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In this cyber age, companies that ignore public criticism do so at their peril. Fo the internet has made it possible to organise campaigns of global protests and boycotts with far-reaching results. The Australian Financial Review reports. June 2000.
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In the 21st century, there's nowhere to run and nowhere to hide.
As far as Corporate Australia is concerned, the news from the battle for
Seattle is all bad. Those dreadlocked hippies, eco-warriors and union bad
boys who brought the World Trade Organisation talks to a standstill aren't
going anywhere. And, as the saying goes, ``They know who you are, and they
saw what you did".
Unfortunately, while the cyber counter-culture steps up its campaign of
global protests and consumer-led boycotts, and the union movement becomes au
fait with shareholder activism, Australia's corporate community is keen to
dismiss these new forms of protest as minor blips on an otherwise clear
radar.
However, according to several strategists and financial experts, companies
maintain this fantasy at their peril. They argue that the good old days of
closed-door negotiations, conducted in a value-free environment, are over
for good.
For the past 10 years, the corporate sector has been playing with the notion
of corporate social responsibility biting off the easy bits of the
bottomline agenda, while avoiding the issue of transformation. Yet
transformation is the only option available if business wants to maintain
access to free trade and its licence to operate, according to Sean Kidney,
director of Social Change
Media.
``Corporations used to work hard to control the flow of information about
themselves, their practices and their products," Kidney says. ``As a result
of the internet, this is now impossible. Every company is porous, every
organisation leaks. If a company is behaving badly, behaving with ignorance,
they will be found out and they will become a target for activists."
That kind of targeting could take several different forms, ranging from the
direct action seen in Seattle last year chairs through windows and
graffiti-daubed exteriors to the relatively civilised approach now taken by
unions and environmentalists as shareholders in publicly listed companies.
However, variations include ``flamming" internet chat rooms, ``spamming"
company internet sites, or creating websites to publish information about a
targeted company.
A local example of the latter form of protest was seen recently when a small
business proprietor launched a site at www.pacmark.com. Chris Moloney,
director of The Minister For Chocolates, had been unable to make headway in
his log of claims against Nestle, a company with which he had been doing
business for some years. When mediation broke down, he posted his story,
along with documentation of the dispute, on the internet. When the media
stumbled upon it, Nestle executives began fielding calls about the nature of
the dispute. Within a week the company had settled with Moloney.
Having endured a grassroots word-of-mouth campaign against it during the
1980s and 1990s, Nestle is a company that knows all about consumer boycotts.
Its move to introduce evaporated milk into several developing countries led
many women to stop breastfeeding their babies and use Nestle formula milk
instead. Due to a lack of sterilisation facilities, a number of children
died from gastro infections. An informal, though widespread, boycott of
Nestle's products ensued.
While that boycott took years to gain the critical mass necessary to make
the company take action, the internet now makes that possible in a couple of
months.
Any search for Coke, Nike, Gap, McDonalds, UNACOL, Shell or Starbucks on the
internet will call up the companies' official websites along with the
protest sites, invariably called ``What Coke/Nike/Gap etc don't want you to
know". In this way, a company's investment in its own site is subverted, and
would-be customers or clients are able to link up with protest sites,
opening a Pandora's box of potential activity.
This level of connectivity in turn creates electronic tribalism. Given that
the above brands attract consumers by offering a lifestyle and attitude as
much as a sneaker or soft drink, activists co-opt this dynamic by offering
the consumer an anti-brand lifestyle and attitude. For the advertising
literate and cynical youth of the first world, hip becomes everything the
major brands are not.
Nor is this form of protest easy to combat, as the now infamous
McLibel case
demonstrates resistance can be less than futile. Closer to home, this
month's appearance of Nike in the Federal Court for an alleged breach of the
clothing workers' award will once again bring into question the company's
employment practices. Annie Delaney, outwork co-ordinator for the Textile
Clothing and Footwear Union of Australia, says the charge centres on Nike
being accountable for those who carry out its work and the conditions in
which they work. ``We will be asking the court to impose substantial
penalties on Nike for their [alleged] breaches and a financial penalty as a
deterrent to other companies," she says. ``There are over 300,000 outworkers
in Australia who are grossly exploited."
Whatever the outcome of the case, Nike will be forced to fight a rearguard
action on the public relations front an action that is already costing it
millions in marketing and advertising.
While the courts have been the union movement's traditional place of
contest, and strike action their modus operandi, recent forays into the
world of shareholder activism have already produced results.
On March 8, a campaign by a global coalition of union shareholder activists
was launched simultaneously in London, Washington and Sydney. Their target
was the mining giant Rio Tinto.
At the company's AGM last month, the unions were able to get almost 20 per
cent of the votes to support their resolution calling for changes to Rio
Tinto's board structure to increase the power of non-executive directors.
Another 17.6 per cent of shareholder proxies were cast in favour of the
union's resolution that would have required the company to commit to
observing International Labor Organisation conventions.
According to John Maitland, national secretary of the Construction Forestry
Mining and Energy Union, the success of this campaign has guaranteed the
continued use of such tactics.
``This kind of activism has been going on in the [United] States for some
time, and our American comrades assure us that we have secured an impressive
result," he says. ``As president of the Federation of Chemical Energy Mine
and General Workers Union, an international body that represents over 20
million workers, I guarantee that everyone will see a lot more of this kind
of activity in the future."
However, the union movement is not the only organisation of concern for
corporations.
On June 14, the United Nations Development Programme announced that it had
cancelled plans to create a Global Sustainable Development Facility. The
GSDF was to be a partnership between the UN and 15 global corporations,
including Dow Chemicals, Rio Tinto, Novartis and energy conglomerate ABB.
The UN plans were derailed after a year-long campaign by activists and
non-government organisations such as the Transnational Resource & Action
Centre. According to Joshua Karliner, executive director of TRAC, criticisms
of the GSDF included, ``associating with bad corporate players, an
over-emphasis on the free market ideology of globalisation and development,
the danger of `bluewash' by corporations hoping for public relations
benefits from wrapping themselves in the UN flag. And a failure to abide by
the agency's own guidelines in associating with private companies".
Nor will this be the end of the matter as far as the activists are
concerned, according to Karliner. ``Even with the end of the GSDF, we will
remain vigilant in tracking other UN corporate partnership programs. We will
also continue to advocate for the UN to monitor corporate behaviour rather
than partner with these transnational giants."
While the sharemarket has long been seen as the ``Evil Empire" by
environmentalists and unions, the emergence of ethical investing or screened
investments has challenged this preconception. According to the US-based
Social Investment Forum, screened investments are ``an approach to investing
that integrates personal values and societal concerns into the investment
decision-making process".
In the US, socially responsible funds make up 13 per cent of total US funds
invested and are valued at $3.5 trillion. In the UK, they're valued at $6.3
billion. However, with changes to the UK Pension Funds Act coming into
effect on July 1, this figure is set to climb. These changes include a
demand that all funds declare their ethical framework or the lack of one.
According to one financial investor, UK fund managers are scrambling to
claim the high moral ground in the light of such disclosure.
For example, UK fund manager Prudential is set to introduce screening on its
£140 billion ($350 billion) investment portfolio. This portfolio represents
a sum approximating 85 per cent of the total pool of Australian
superannuation savings.
Australian fund managers have traditionally seen ethical investments as a
marginal issue of little value to the bulk of their clients. However, with
the HESTA superannuation fund leading the field with its environmental
investment product, Eco Pool, both AMP and
Westpac are now considering the
development of similar products.
According to research by Erik Mather, senior manager of screened investments
at Westpac, environmentally screened investments have the potential to be an
asset class of high return potential, with a risk level similar to that of
Australian shares.
Ecos Corporation
In 1998, Ecos Corporation conducted a survey of environmental performance
for 150 Australian companies. The questionnaire sent to companies included
19 variables, covering areas such as environmental policy and programs,
eco-efficiency, products and services, and stakeholder engagement. Ecos then
ranked these as ``good", ``fair" and ``poor" environmental performers.
Westpac back-tested the portfolio and found that from 1990 to 1998, the 21
stocks ranked as ``good" outperformed the All Ordinaries Index by 4 per
cent.
According to Mather, the reason for this is simple.
``If a management team has thought through the consequences of its actions
on the environment, it makes sense to presume they're in the habit of
thinking through their actions on all levels. In short, they're probably a
very good management team."
Mather and Kidney agree that ethical investments will assume even greater
importance when the changes to superannuation are passed through parliament
and employees are able to nominate the super fund of their choice.
``This is not just about employees being able to vote with their dollars,"
says Kidney. ``It's also a wake-up call to corporate Australia. If they want
people and super funds to invest in their business, they had better make
sure their business is on the side of the angels, or the money just won't
follow them."
By Julie Macken